Suchergebnisse

Between early 1978 and late 1980, power relationships in the Pacific region underwent historic transformation. Dr. Bedeski draws on Chinese, Soviet, and Japanese sources to clarify the relationships among the wide range of events ensuing from the Sino-Japanese treaty and points to its relevance to a new era of Sino-Soviet relations

: The Korean State and Its Paradigms: State, Candlelight Democracy, and -- Populist Constitutionalism -- : The State as Concept and Supplement to Human Existence -- : Ascent of the East Asian Nation-State -- : Organic Life, Human Will, and Evolution of the State -- : Producers, Will-to-Live, and the State's Material Foundation -- : Innovation and the Will-to-Freedom - Agriculture and Ancient Kingdoms -- : Organization and the Will-to-Power -- : Enforcers and Protectors - The Will-to-Comply -- : Vision and the Will-to-Transcend -- : Rebels, Usurpers, and the Will-to-Redirect in the Colonial Period -- : Post-War Korea - Two Brittle Sovereignties, One Nation -- : Conclusions: Human Wills and the State.

Human survival, human institutions, and human security -- Dimensions of human security: foundations in individual human life -- The modern sovereign nation-state -- Prologue to a theory of human security -- A notational theory of human security -- Actualizing imperial sovereignty in ancient China -- Claiming dynastic sovereignty under the imperial meta-constitution -- Sovereignty and state-building in late Qing and Republican China -- Contemporary China's incomplete sovereignty--fusion, succession, and adoption

"This book outlines a working theory of human security, and applies it to an analysis of the dynamics of the Chinese state. Professor Bedeski demonstrates how sovereignty of the state reflects primary human concerns of survival, where the state's fundamental purpose is to preserve citizens' lives. Using his theory of human security, he describes eight "meta-constitutions" from the Legalist Qin empire to the potential federal state represented by Taiwan's continued autonomy. The incompleteness of Chinese sovereignty remains a key variable in understanding the policy and strategy of modernization, both within China and among neighboring East Asian states."--Jacket

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mongolia lost its twentieth century protector, and has had to navigate Asian and global politics at a time when China is becoming a dominant economic and military power. Chinese economic and demographic expansion will directly impact Mongolia and the precedent of the sinification of Inner Mongolia demonstrates new challenges to the isolated Mongolian Republic. Energy imports, military security, trade opportunities and investment climate are closely affected by China, and Mongolian diplomatic efforts must take the southern giant into primary consideration. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i12.92 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.12 2005: 28-39

The roots of the American empire began at the end of the nineteenth century, and grew through two World Wars and the Cold War.With 9/11, a new phase of American global reach occurred. The Northeast Asian region, characterized by 'incomplete sovereignty', has been an area of special U.S.concern and involvement. Wilsonian ideals of 'making the world safe for democracy' has exerted considerable influence on U.S. willingness to take on overseas commitments. Similar to historical empires, the U.S. expansion, characterized as 'Empire Lite', has been both accidental and purposeful, but unlike past empires, the U.S. has not sought territorial aggrandizement. Its hegemony is tempered by pluralism and recognition of the awesome and ruinously expensive responsibility of managing global economy and security.

China and Canada represent nearly two opposite ends of a continuum starting with near-total secrecy and ending at near-total transparency in matters of state. Canada advocates transparency, and China opposes it - or at least is extremely cautious in cooperating unless some vital interests are served. China is increasingly drawn into processes of transparency and verification, but the prevailing view is that transparency is only possible between states of equal power; otherwise, the weaker are at a disadvantage in revealing their weakness. It can be argued that Chinese reluctance to increase transparency only fuels suspicions about its intentions. China regards secrecy to be an essential element of statecraft, and will not modify it simply to mollify critics, or to surrender it for access to more sophisticated Western technology. Greater availability of timely and accurate information can have positive benefits for international peace and security, but it is the imbalance between democratic and authoritarian habits of information control that differing notions of transparency emerge. Transparency is not merely a technical problem, but one which derives from the nature of the political system.

After decades of intensive economic growth Japan is under pressure to translate its material success into international influence. This new role appears to be taking shape under Prime Minister Nakasone. The country faces rising protectionism sentiments from its major trading partners, and a growing military threat from the USSR. Nakasone has maintained a solid working relation with President Reagan, while adopting a hawkish stance towards the USSR. Nevertheless, Japan still remains under the US nuclear umbrella. Nakasone has pursued closer relations with South Korea. His first foreign visit as prime minister was to Seoul. The Chinese have been concerned about symptoms of remilitarization on the one hand, but also recognize that a greated Japanese security presence will help to diffuse the Soviet threat in the region, thus relieving pressure on Beijing. The first six months of Nakasone's administration thus indicated that Japan may be embarking on a diplomatic and defence course which has a higher profile than in the past.